
Chris Teague/A24/Courtesy Everett Collection
Jenny Slate (center, holding a bouquet) anchors "Obvious Child," a rom-com in which her protagonist has an abortion and makes a romantic connection.
During the making of “Obvious Child,” director/screenwriter Gillian Robespierre had a few balls in the air.
Would Jenny Slate’s Donna, a fledgling stand-up comedian with a penchant for potty humor, end up with Jake Lacy’s buttoned-up Max? And would Robespierre find investors who’d trust her to make the movie she wanted as a first-time filmmaker?
Over the several years it took to get “Obvious Child” to theaters, though, one pivotal point was never in doubt: The film’s protagonist was going to have an abortion, free of shame and regret.
“Obvious Child” was one of the first films — and a comedy, at that — to depict an abortion in a way that wasn’t traumatic or life-upending. Slate’s protagonist gets pregnant, decides to have an abortion and emerges a stronger comedian, fart jokes intact. The procedure doesn’t destroy her life, and it isn’t meaningless either. It just is.
“The challenge wasn’t to make a funny movie about abortion, but it was to make a movie that was romantic and funny and dealt with an unplanned pregnancy with an abortion without shame,” Robespierre told CNN.
Since “Obvious Child” premiered in 2014, abortion storylines have grown more numerous and nuanced, reflective of the breadth of patients’ experiences. The decision to have an abortion sets the plot in motion in celebrated films like Eliza Hittman’s “Never Rarely Sometimes Always.” Characters choose to end pregnancies in pivotal episodes of streaming series like “Sex Education,” “Bojack Horseman” and “Dear White People” and network TV staples like “Station 19” and “Jane the Virgin.”
All of those series and films depict abortion differently. They vary in tone; characters’ motivations are unique. There is no one “right” way to tell an abortion story. But seeing them onscreen can humanize the issue that’s become wildly divisive, said Steph Herold, a research analyst at Abortion Onscreen, a project at the University of California San Francisco that tracks and studies abortion storylines in media.
“Seeing characters have abortions on television [or in film] may be the first time someone sees abortion as a personal issue, not just a political issue,” Herold said.
As the future of Roe v. Wade dominates the news, Robespierre and Hittman have seen renewed interest in their films. They spoke with CNN about how they crafted the abortion plotlines in their films with care and respect — and what their films mean to viewers now.

Focus Features/Kobal/Shutterstock
Audiences are revisiting films like "Never Rarely Sometimes Always," a realistic and compassionate depiction of a Pennsylvania teenager traveling to New York to have an abortion, while the future of Roe v. Wade is uncertain.
Robespierre made a comedy about abortion with heart
When “Obvious Child” was released eight years ago, it felt quietly revolutionary to depict a single woman in her late 20s deciding, without trepidation, to end a pregnancy. But it’s “not that unique,” Robespierre noted. About 18% of pregnancies in the U.S. end in induced abortion, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reported in 2021. In 2019, the CDC recorded nearly 630,000 abortions.
What became a relatable, groundbreaking rom-com started out as a personal story, Robespierre said.
“The blueprint was my life,” she told CNN.
Like “Obvious Child’s” Donna, Robespierre had an abortion around Valentine’s Day. Her mother, like Donna’s parent, also told Robespierre about an abortion she’d had in the 1960s, before the Roe v. Wade decision made abortion legal nationwide. Both of their stories shaped what would become Robespierre’s feature debut.
The women in Robespierre’s family made her feel comfortable to discuss abortion and supported her when she decided to have one. It’s why she made the film, she said — “to continue the history of what an abortion could look like with that support and love.”
Even with support, though, abortion isn’t always easy to access, and “Obvious Child” spotlights those barriers, too. In one scene, Donna is discussing the procedure in a Planned Parenthood office in New York. After cracking a disarming joke to settle her nerves, she finally breaks down when she learns the procedure will cost her $500.
“That’s, like, my whole rent, almost,” Donna tells a physician through tears.
“She held it together, and she’s being strong and stoic, but then the price of the abortion is what kind of put her over the edge, and that’s the take we used,” Robespierre said. “It just felt really authentic.”
How ‘Never Rarely Sometimes Always’ portrays obstacles to abortion access
Like “Obvious Child,” much of Eliza Hittman’s heartbreakingly realistic film, “Never Rarely Sometimes Always,” takes place at Planned Parenthood offices in New York. But the protagonist of the 2020 film is almost entirely on her own.
The award-winning Sundance stunner follows Autumn, played by first-time actor Sidney Flanagan, a small-town Pennsylvania teen who learns she’s pregnant and heads to Manhattan on a days-long odyssey to access an abortion.
“I knew I wanted it to be about somebody traveling from out of state into New York City and all of the obstacles they encounter while trying to access safe reproductive care,” Hittman said.
Ever-committed to realism, Hittman said she spent years researching the processes her protagonist would eventually go through on camera. Hittman visited abortion clinics in New York as well as pregnancy care centers, which are often affiliated with anti-abortion groups, both of which make appearances in the film. Hittman took pregnancy tests and sat for counseling sessions with a social worker she ended up casting in the film, then filtered what she learned through the perspective of Autumn.
The emotional centerpiece of the film comes before Autumn’s procedure, which Hittman doesn’t show in the film. In a particularly wrenching scene, during which a Planned Parenthood staffer is interviewing Autumn about her relationship history, we learn that our lead has been in unhealthy, even abusive relationships before she’s turned 18.
Kelly Chapman, the real-life social worker who plays a Planned Parenthood counselor in the film, told Hittman that the “crisis is never the abortion,” but what’s happening in a patient’s life. That pivotal interview scene fills in important blanks about Autumn’s personal life — and may echo the experiences of many viewers.
Hittman’s film, like Robespierre’s debut, also plainly depicts what an appointment at Planned Parenthood looks like. And while Autumn’s nerves are palpable during those scenes, the office feels safer than most other settings in the film, including Autumn’s workplace and home. It’s the scenes in which Autumn and the cousin who accompanies her are sexually harassed, or when we notice the teens put their guard up around potentially predatory men, that feel terrifying rather than the scenes at the abortion clinic. Those “small, transformational” moments that the characters brush off to make it through their days, Hittman said, form a composite of the misogynistic society in which the story takes place.
-
Amanda Andrade-Rhoades
Abortion rights demonstrators rally, Saturday, May 14, 2022, on the National Mall in Washington, during protests across the country. (AP Photo/Amanda Andrade-Rhoades)
-
Jeenah Moon
Protesters hold up signs during an abortion rights demonstration, Saturday, May 14, 2022, in New York. Demonstrators rallied from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women's right to an abortion. (AP Photo/Jeenah Moon)
-
Jacquelyn Martin
Abortion rights demonstrators rally, Saturday, May 14, 2022, outside the Supreme Court in Washington. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin)
-
Eric Gay
Abortion rights demonstrators attend a rally at the Texas Capitol, Saturday, May 14, 2022, in Austin, Texas. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. More (AP Photo/Eric Gay)
-
Eric Gay
Abortion rights demonstrators holds signs during a rally at the Texas Capitol, Saturday, May 14, 2022, in Austin, Texas. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. More (AP Photo/Eric Gay)
-
-
Eric Gay
Abortion rights demonstrators attend a rally at the Texas Capitol, Saturday, May 14, 2022, in Austin, Texas. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. More (AP Photo/Eric Gay)
-
Jacquelyn Martin
Capitol police officers on bicycles clear abortion demonstrators off the street, Saturday, May 14, 2022, outside the Supreme Court in Washington, ahead of the main march that was expected to start marching from the Washington Monument, during protests across the country. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin)
-
Jacquelyn Martin
An entrance to the U.S. Capitol is secured ahead of an abortion rights demonstrators march, Saturday, May 14, 2022, to the Supreme Court in Washington, during protests across the country. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin)
-
Jacquelyn Martin
Capitol police officers clear abortion rights demonstrators off the street, Saturday, May 14, 2022, outside the Supreme Court in Washington, ahead of the main march that was expected to start marching from the Washington Monument, during protests across the country. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin)
-
Eric Gay
Abortion rights demonstrators hold signs during a rally at the Texas Capitol, Saturday, May 14, 2022, in Austin, Texas. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. More (AP Photo/Eric Gay)
-
-
Jacquelyn Martin
EDS NOTE: OBSCENITY - Abortion rights demonstrators rally, Saturday, May 14, 2022, outside the Supreme Court in Washington, during protests across the country. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin)
-
Denise Cathey
Organizing manager Cathy Torres for Frontera Fund, which works to make abortion accessible in the Rio Grande Valley, is shown Saturday, May 14, 2022, as part of the nationwide Bans Off Our Bodies Rally in Brownsville, Texas. The rally comes following a leaked draft opinion by Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito last week, that suggests the conservative justices are prepared to overturn Roe v. Wade. (Denise Cathey/The Brownsville Herald via AP)
-
Denise Cathey
A volunteer straightens out a t-shirt that reads 'our bodies, our futures, our abortions" Saturday, May 14, 2022, as part of the nationwide Bans Off Our Bodies Rally in Brownsville, Texas. The rally comes following a leaked draft opinion by Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito last week, that suggests the conservative justices are prepared to overturn Roe v. Wade. (Denise Cathey/The Brownsville Herald via AP)
-
Denise Cathey
Demonstrators wave their signs in the air as they listen to speeches from local organizers Saturday, May 14, 2022, as part of the nationwide Bans Off Our Bodies Rally in Brownsville, Texas. The rally comes following a leaked draft opinion by Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito last week, that suggests the conservative justices are prepared to overturn Roe v. Wade. (Denise Cathey/The Brownsville Herald via AP)
-
Denise Cathey
"My Body My Choice" is written in marker on Ada Sadlier's thighs Saturday, May 14, 2022, as part of the nationwide Bans Off Our Bodies Rally in Brownsville, Texas. The rally comes following a leaked draft opinion by Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito last week, that suggests the conservative justices are prepared to overturn Roe v. Wade. (Denise Cathey/The Brownsville Herald via AP)
-
-
Denise Cathey
Viviana Treviño holds up a coat hanger sign she made Saturday, May 14, 2022, at the nationwide Bans Off Our Bodies Rally in Brownsville, Texas. The rally comes following a leaked draft opinion by Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito last week, that suggests the conservative justices are prepared to overturn Roe v. Wade. (Denise Cathey/The Brownsville Herald via AP)
-
Cara Owsley
Abortion rights protesters gather at Fountain Square in downtown Cincinnati on Saturday, May 14, 2022 . Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women's right to an abortion. (Cara Owsley /The Cincinnati Enquirer via AP)
-
Cara Owsley
A demonstrator yells an abortion rights protest Saturday, May 14, 2022 at Fountain Square in downtown Cincinnati. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women's right to an abortion. (Cara Owsley /The Cincinnati Enquirer via AP)
-
Matt Marton
Kids on the shoulder of adults hold signs during an abortions rights rally, Saturday, May 14, 2022, in Chicago. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. (AP Photo/Matt Marton)
-
Matt Marton
Jacqueline Von Edelbe stands holds a sign with other Abortion rights demonstrators Saturday, May 14, 2022, in Chicago. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. (AP Photo/Matt Marton)
-
-
Matt Marton
Abortion rights demonstrators rallySaturday, May 14, 2022, in Chicago. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. (AP Photo/Matt Marton)
-
Matt Marton
Staff members of the Family Planning Association clinic greet abortion rights demonstrators Saturday, May 14, 2022, in Chicago. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. (AP Photo/Matt Marton)
-
Matt Marton
Illinois Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton speaks with other abortion rights demonstrators Saturday, May 14, 2022, in Chicago. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. (AP Photo/Matt Marton)
-
Pat Nabong
Abortion rights demonstrators rally in Chicago's West Town neighborhood, Saturday morning, May 14, 2022. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. (Pat Nabong /Chicago Sun-Times via AP)
-
Pat Nabong
Lena waves a flag during Rally for Abortion Justice during a protest at Union Park in Chicago's West Town neighborhood, Saturday morning, May 14, 2022. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. (Pat Nabong /Chicago Sun-Times via AP)
-
-
Pat Nabong
Abortion rights demonstrators rally at Union Park in Chicago's West Town neighborhood, Saturday morning, May 14, 2022. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. (Pat Nabong /Chicago Sun-Times via AP)
-
Pat Nabong
Abortion rights demonstrators rally in Chicago's West Town neighborhood, Saturday morning, May 14, 2022. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. (Pat Nabong /Chicago Sun-Times via AP)
-
Pat Nabong
Jessica Chelmecki, 30 and Bryan Hardnacki, 37, dress as Handmaids Tale characters during protest at Union Park in Chicago's West Town neighborhood, Saturday morning, May 14, 2022. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. (Pat Nabong /Chicago Sun-Times via AP)
-
Pat Nabong
Abortion rights advocate Rinda West raises her fist during a protest at Union Park in Chicago's West Town neighborhood, Saturday morning, May 14, 2022. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. (Pat Nabong /Chicago Sun-Times via AP)
-
Amanda Andrade-Rhoades
Abortion rights demonstrators rally, Saturday, May 14, 2022, on the National Mall in Washington. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. (AP Photo/Amanda Andrade-Rhoades)
-
-
Jeenah Moon
New York Attorney General Letitia James, front row third from right, marches with protestors across the Brooklyn Bridge during an abortion rights demonstration, Saturday, May 14, 2022, in New York. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women's right to an abortion. (AP Photo/Jeenah Moon)
-
Jeenah Moon
Protestors begin crossing the Brooklyn Bridge during an abortion rights demonstration, Saturday, May 14, 2022, in New York. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women's right to an abortion. (AP Photo/Jeenah Moon)
-
Jeenah Moon
A protestor holds up a sign of former Supreme Court justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg during an abortion rights demonstration, Saturday, May 14, 2022, in New York. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women's right to an abortion. (AP Photo/Jeenah Moon)
-
Jay Janner
Abortion rights demonstrators rally at the Capitol in Austin, Texas, on Saturday May 14, 2022. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. (Jay Janner/Austin American-Statesman via AP)
-
Jeenah Moon
Protesters rally during an abortion rights demonstration, Saturday, May 14, 2022, in New York. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women's right to an abortion. (AP Photo/Jeenah Moon)
-
-
Jeenah Moon
Protestors rally in Cadman Plaza during an abortion rights demonstration, Saturday, May 14, 2022, in the Brooklyn borough of New York. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women's right to an abortion. (AP Photo/Jeenah Moon)
-
Jeenah Moon
Protestors rally in Cadman Plaza during an abortion rights demonstration, Saturday, May 14, 2022, in the Brooklyn borough of New York. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women's right to an abortion. (AP Photo/Jeenah Moon)
-
Jeenah Moon
Protestors hold up signs during a rally in Cadman Plaza during an abortion rights demonstration, Saturday, May 14, 2022, in the Brooklyn borough of New York. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women's right to an abortion. (AP Photo/Jeenah Moon)
-
Jacquelyn Martin
A Capitol police officer asks abortion rights demonstrators to move off the street, Saturday, May 14, 2022, outside the Supreme Court in Washington, ahead of the main march that was expected to start marching from the Washington Monument. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women’s right to an abortion. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin)
-
Jeenah Moon
Protesters cross the Brooklyn Bridge during an abortion rights demonstration, Saturday, May 14, 2022, in New York. Demonstrators are rallying from coast to coast in the face of an anticipated Supreme Court decision that could overturn women's right to an abortion. (AP Photo/Jeenah Moon)
-
-
Emma Rubin // Stacker
A leaked Supreme Court draft ruling that would overturn Roe v. Wade, dated in February and published May 2 by Politico, was confirmed as authentic by Chief Justice John Roberts on May 3.
Votes can change between initial drafts and final rulings, and abortion is still legal in all 50 states and Washington D.C. Still, the leaked document sparked shock, outrage, and protests among those who see the document as a harbinger of what’s to come when the final ruling is announced in June or early July. The publication of the court’s initial draft is unprecedented in history and has been compared by some to the release of the Pentagon Papers.
To explore what overturning Roe v. Wade might mean for abortion access across the United States, Stacker analyzed data from the Guttmacher Institute’s driving distance dataset that aggregates population data at a geographic unit between 600 and 3,000 people. This dataset further determines the median distance from abortion clinics for women of reproductive age—defined in this analysis between the ages of 15 and 49—across 26 states likely to ban or severely restrict abortion access should Roe be overturned. Although Guttmacher’s data relies on census data, which collects gender data as binary, abortion access impacts people beyond those who identify as women.
The landmark 1973 Roe v. Wade decision put federal protections for abortion rights in place for the first time in U.S. history, marking a major victory for reproductive freedom. But the integrity of Roe eroded over the last few decades. Particularly in recent years, states like Mississippi and Texas have brought legal challenges to the decision by imposing increasingly restrictive abortion laws. These challenges coincide with a new, 6-3 conservative majority on the Supreme Court.
Between 2012 and 2017 alone, at least 276,000 people received abortions outside their home states. And while restrictive bans are still unenforceable right now, some legal experts warn conservative states may next attempt to criminalize traveling to other states for abortion services should Roe be overturned.
An estimated 26 states would certainly or likely move to ban abortion if Roe is overturned, according to the Guttmacher Institute. This would disproportionately impact abortion access for those with limited financial resources. The most commonly cited reason for seeking an abortion was “socioeconomic concerns,” according to a 2017 study of people who got abortions across 14 countries, including the U.S. Abortions in the U.S. can cost up to $750, depending on the state, clinic, and health insurance coverage, a number that does not include the additional costs associated with crossing state lines, including travel and lodging.
Christie Citranglo contributed reporting for this story.

-
Randy Leonard // Stacker
Until a decision is reached by the Supreme Court this summer, abortion will remain legal in all 50 states and Washington D.C. Overturning Roe v. Wade would not immediately outlaw abortion across the U.S., but it would give states the right to determine the legality of the procedure.
Under current conditions, at what stage and under what circumstances abortions can be performed varies from state to state. In those with the tightest restrictions, multiple bans exist to limit access now and potentially in the future should Roe fall. Bans on abortions after six weeks of pregnancy are enacted in 13 states and are among the most restrictive laws on the books.
Thirteen states have trigger bans that effectively signal intent and establish preemptive legislation to ban abortion in the event that Roe is overturned. If a reversal ruling is reached—acting as the trigger—then the proactive laws established in these states would take effect almost immediately.
Near-total bans include laws that restrict all abortions with certain exceptions like saving the life of the parent or cases of rape.
Some states had abortion bans in place prior to the Roe decision, which became unenforceable after 1973. If Roe falls, these states could seek to reinforce these bans assuming they were never declared unconstitutional.
Four state constitutions have amendments that declare they are not obligated to protect a right to abortion.
-
Emma Rubin // Stacker
A person seeking a legal abortion in the U.S. travels on average 25 miles to reach a clinic. If Roe v. Wade is overturned, that average distance could increase to 125 miles as clinics in states with abortion bans would likely be forced to close, according to the Myers Abortion Facility Database.
This travel burden becomes more severe in regions experiencing disproportionately low access to reproductive health care and states with restrictive anti-abortion legislation. The north-to-south corridor between North Dakota and Texas, for example, has a high concentration of counties already traveling roughly 250 miles to reach an abortion provider. Some even travel up to 350 miles.
Disparities in abortion access similarly exist in the southern U.S. In the possible reversal of Roe, travel distances in Louisiana could increase from 37 miles, or around half an hour of driving time, to 666 miles just one way—representing more than 11 hours of nonstop driving, and the largest increase in distance of any state.
Residents could have to travel as far as Maryland for legal abortions, according to Michelle Erenberg, director at reproductive health advocacy group Lift Louisiana, in an email interview with Stacker.
“Lawmakers have become much more radicalized in their views on abortion,” Erenberg said, “which has led to more radical policies.” She pointed to new legislation up for review in her home state, HB813, or “The Abolition of Abortion in Louisiana Act of 2022.”
“Under this law, Louisiana can refuse to comply with decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court,” Erenberg said. “Abortion would be considered a homicide, and attempting to get an abortion could be prosecuted as attempted murder or criminal battery.”
Increased travel distances bring increased travel costs, potentially longer wait times to receive care, and time away from work and familial responsibilities. These barriers will disproportionately affect low-income Americans' access to safe and legal abortions.
A 2021 study published in the Journal of the American Medical Association revealed that increases in distance to the nearest abortion care facility were associated with significant reductions in legal abortion rates. Conversely, when travel distances were reduced, legal abortion rates increased. Researchers estimate there would be more than 70,000 additional legal abortions each year if disparities in travel distances were eliminated.
It should be noted determining the exact number of illegal abortions and pregnancies reluctantly carried to term due to a lack of care is difficult to quantify as this data on this is often not reported or logged.
-
Emma Rubin // Stacker
The influx of abortion seekers to so-called clinic states—or states that have legal protections for abortion in place—is predicted to be large should Roe v. Wade be overturned. Projecting which states will see the largest increases has everything to do with geography.
A large influx of abortion-seekers is projected to look for services in North Carolina due to its proximity to many southeastern states where abortion is certain or likely to be banned if Roe is overturned. But unlike Illinois, the legal status of abortion in North Carolina is tenuous and highly dependent on whether anti-abortion candidates are successful in the state’s midterm elections over the coming months. The debate over abortion rights in North Carolina will likely be decided, at least for the time being, in 2023.
Clinics in North Carolina have already seen an increase over the past year of out-of-state abortion seekers, with some coming from as far as Texas in search of services, according to Amber Gavin, the vice president of Advocacy and Operations at A Woman’s Choice, a group of North Carolina and Florida-based abortion clinics. And if Roe is overturned, Gavin expects those numbers will keep climbing.
“I do think we’re going to see probably well over 50% to 80% [more] patients than what we’re currently seeing,” she told Stacker in an interview.
Gavin also said A Woman’s Choice clinics are considering hiring more staff and physicians to accommodate the influx. “We’re working really hard with our staff, with abortion funds, with advocates on the ground to make sure that people who need and want that care are able to get it,” she said.
Illinois has long been a reproductive care hub for Midwesterners. Out-of-state patients seeking abortions rose from 2,970 in 2014 to 9,686 in 2020, according to Illinois Department of Public Health data. These numbers are projected to continue to rise as people come from Michigan, Indiana, Wisconsin, Ohio, Missouri, and even some Southern states. To increase access, two Planned Parenthood clinics have opened in recent years along the Illinois border. The state is one of the few in the Midwest where the right to abortion is certain to be protected long-term.
Many clinic states have made moves since 2019 to fund abortion services and codify abortion. Vermont, for instance, passed Act 47, which preserves the right to reproductive choice, including abortion, in the year following the appointment of Justice Brett Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court. Several other states followed suit, including California, Connecticut, Oregon, Maine, and Illinois. The subsequent appointment of Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court in 2020 cemented the court’s conservative supermajority and encouraged legal challenges to Roe v. Wade in 2021.
Some states have already taken steps to ensure access to safe abortions for people crossing state lines.
In 2019, New York funded the New York Abortion Access Fund, intended to help low-income abortion seekers from other states travel to New York for services. In March 2022, California passed SB 245, an act that eliminates out-of-pocket costs for abortions for those who have private insurance, as well as those on California’s Medicaid. In Oregon, legislators passed the Reproductive Health Equity Fund, which allocates $15 million to expand abortion services, including helping to cover expenses of those traveling to Oregon for abortions. And Connecticut Governor Ned Lamont is planning to sign a bill that would shield Connecticut abortion providers and out-of-state patients from being sued by states where abortion—even outside the state—is illegal.
-
Emma Rubin // Stacker
When a Supreme Court draft ruling that would overturn Roe v. Wade was leaked in May, it sparked shock, outrage, and protests. Those who saw the document as a harbinger of what was to come had their worst fears realized on June 24 when the decision came down and the Court’s 6-3 conservative majority did indeed eliminate the constitutional right to abortion after nearly 50 years. The fall of Roe is expected to result in abortion bans in roughly half of states across the country.
The landmark 1973 Roe v. Wade decision put federal protections for abortion rights in place for the first time in U.S. history, marking a major victory for reproductive freedom. But the integrity of Roe eroded over the last few decades. Particularly in recent years, states like Mississippi and Texas have brought legal challenges to the decision by imposing increasingly restrictive abortion laws. These challenges coincide with the new conservative majority on the Supreme Court.
To see what exactly overturning Roe v. Wade means for abortion access across the United States, Stacker analyzed data from the Guttmacher Institute’s driving distance dataset that aggregates population data at a geographic unit between 600 and 3,000 people. This dataset further determines the median distance from abortion clinics for women of reproductive age—defined in this analysis between the ages of 15 and 49—across states likely to ban or severely restrict abortion access now that Roe has been overturned. Although Guttmacher’s data relies on census data, which collects gender data as binary, abortion access impacts people beyond those who identify as women.
An estimated 26 states will certainly or are likely to ban abortion now that Roe is overturned, according to the Guttmacher Institute. But the decision will disproportionately impact abortion access for those with limited financial resources. The most commonly cited reason for seeking an abortion was “socioeconomic concerns,” according to a 2017 study of people who got abortions across 14 countries, including the U.S. Abortions in the U.S. can cost up to $750, depending on the state, clinic, and health insurance coverage, a number that does not include the additional costs associated with crossing state lines, including travel and lodging.
Between 2012 and 2017 alone, at least 276,000 people received abortions outside their home states. And while restrictive bans have been unenforceable until now, some legal experts warn conservative states may next attempt to criminalize traveling to other states for abortion services should Roe be overturned.
Christie Citranglo contributed reporting for this story.
Related: Abortion laws around the world

-
-
Randy Leonard // Stacker
Overturning Roe v. Wade does not immediately outlaw abortion across the U.S., where it has been legal in all 50 states and Washington D.C., but it does give states the right to determine the legality of the procedure.
Up until now, at what stage and under what circumstances abortions can be performed varies from state to state. In those with the tightest restrictions, multiple bans exist to limit access. Bans on abortions after six weeks of pregnancy are enacted in 13 states and are among the most restrictive laws on the books.
Thirteen states have trigger bans that effectively signaled intent and established preemptive legislation to ban abortion in the event that Roe was overturned. Now that a reversal ruling has been reached—acting as the trigger—the proactive laws established in these states are expected to take effect almost immediately.
Near-total bans include laws that restrict all abortions with certain exceptions like saving the life of the parent or cases of sexual assault.
Some states had abortion bans in place prior to the Roe decision, which became unenforceable after 1973. These states could seek to reinforce these bans assuming they were never declared unconstitutional.
Four state constitutions have amendments that declare they are not obligated to protect a right to abortion
-
Emma Rubin // Stacker
Up until now, a person seeking a legal abortion in the U.S. travels on average 25 miles to reach a clinic. With the reversal of Roe, however, that average distance could increase to 125 miles as clinics in states with abortion bans would likely be forced to close, according to the Myers Abortion Facility Database.
This travel burden becomes more severe in regions experiencing disproportionately low access to reproductive health care and states with restrictive anti-abortion legislation. The north-to-south corridor between North Dakota and Texas, for example, has a high concentration of counties already traveling roughly 250 miles to reach an abortion provider. Some even travel up to 350 miles.
Disparities in abortion access similarly exist in the southern U.S. With Roe overturned, travel distances in Louisiana could increase from 37 miles, or around half an hour of driving time, to 666 miles just one way—representing more than 11 hours of nonstop driving, and the largest increase in distance of any state.
Residents could have to travel as far as Maryland for legal abortions, according to Michelle Erenberg, director at reproductive health advocacy group Lift Louisiana, in an email interview with Stacker in May.
“Lawmakers have become much more radicalized in their views on abortion,” Erenberg said, “which has led to more radical policies.” She pointed to legislation that was up for review in her home state at the time, HB813, or “The Abolition of Abortion in Louisiana Act of 2022.”
“Under this law, Louisiana could refuse to comply with decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court,” Erenberg said of the legislation, which ultimately failed. “Abortion would be considered a homicide, and attempting to get an abortion could be prosecuted as attempted murder or criminal battery.”
Increased travel distances bring increased travel costs, potentially longer wait times to receive care, and time away from work and familial responsibilities. These barriers will disproportionately affect low-income Americans' access to safe and legal abortions.
A 2021 study published in the Journal of the American Medical Association revealed that increases in distance to the nearest abortion care facility were associated with significant reductions in legal abortion rates. Conversely, when travel distances were reduced, legal abortion rates increased. Researchers estimated there would be more than 70,000 additional legal abortions each year if disparities in travel distances were eliminated.
It should be noted determining the exact number of illegal abortions and pregnancies reluctantly carried to term due to a lack of care is difficult to quantify as this data on this is often not reported or logged.
-
Emma Rubin // Stacker
About 100,000 people seeking abortions will be unable to access a provider within the first year of a Roe reversal. As a result, 75,000 of them will likely give birth, according to predictions released on May 6, 2022, by Caitlin Myers, an economics professor at Middlebury College and co-Director of MiddData. Myers’ predictions are based on state policy changes as of the time of release.
These predictions also assume that the people from ban states seeking an abortion are able to get an appointment with remaining providers, which Myers notes may not be possible due to high demand and long wait times.
The influx of abortion seekers to so-called clinic states—or states that have legal protections for abortion in place—is predicted to be large should Roe v. Wade be overturned. Projecting which states will see the largest increases has everything to do with geography.
A large influx of abortion-seekers is projected to look for services in North Carolina due to its proximity to many southeastern states where abortion is certain or likely to be banned with Roe now overturned. But unlike Illinois, the legal status of abortion in North Carolina is tenuous.
Clinics in North Carolina have already seen an increase over the past year of out-of-state abortion seekers, with some coming from as far as Texas in search of services, according to Amber Gavin, the vice president of Advocacy and Operations at A Woman’s Choice, a group of North Carolina and Florida-based abortion clinics. And with Roe overturned, Gavin expects those numbers will keep climbing.
“I do think we’re going to see probably well over 50% to 80% [more] patients than what we’re currently seeing,” she told Stacker in an interview in May.
Gavin also said A Woman’s Choice clinics are considering hiring more staff and physicians to accommodate the influx. “We’re working really hard with our staff, with abortion funds, with advocates on the ground to make sure that people who need and want that care are able to get it,” she said.
Illinois has long been a reproductive care hub for Midwesterners. Out-of-state patients seeking abortions rose from 2,970 in 2014 to 9,686 in 2020, according to Illinois Department of Public Health data. These numbers are projected to continue to rise as people come from Michigan, Indiana, Wisconsin, Ohio, Missouri, and even some Southern states. To increase access, two Planned Parenthood clinics have opened in recent years along the Illinois border. The state is one of the few in the Midwest where the right to abortion is certain to be protected long-term.
Many clinic states have made moves since 2019 to fund abortion services and codify abortion. Vermont, for instance, passed Act 47, which preserves the right to reproductive choice, including abortion, in the year following the appointment of Justice Brett Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court. Several other states followed suit, including California, Connecticut, Oregon, Maine, and Illinois. The subsequent appointment of Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court in 2020 cemented the court’s conservative supermajority and encouraged legal challenges to Roe v. Wade in 2021.
Some states have already taken steps to ensure access to safe abortions for people crossing state lines.
In 2019, New York funded the New York Abortion Access Fund, intended to help low-income abortion seekers from other states travel to New York for services. In March 2022, California passed SB 245, an act that eliminates out-of-pocket costs for abortions for those who have private insurance, as well as those on California’s Medicaid. In Oregon, legislators passed the Reproductive Health Equity Fund, which allocates $15 million to expand abortion services, including helping to cover expenses of those traveling to Oregon for abortions. And Connecticut Governor Ned Lamont signed a bill that will shield Connecticut abortion providers and out-of-state patients from being sued by states where abortion—even outside the state—is illegal.
Related: Abortion in America: How access and attitudes have changed through the centuries
How abortion storylines are changing
Herold, the UCSF research analyst, said the number of onscreen abortions has surged over the last several years from 13 storylines in 2016 to 47 in 2021. She noted that these newer storylines have mostly abandoned the “will-they, won’t-they” element — characters are often resolute in their decision to go through with the procedure.
“We’re not only seeing more depictions [of abortion] than we have in previous years,” she said, “but there is much less focus on the emotional decision-making” before the abortion takes place.
Instead, Herold said, more recent storylines explore how characters will move forward with terminating a pregnancy. The Shondaland drama “Station 19” earlier this year depicted a character who chose to have a medication abortion, a method by which someone ends their pregnancy by taking two pills, which Herold said is rarely depicted in media. A woman firefighter spends much of the episode on the toilet — a reality of medication abortions, she said — and a friend offers to be her abortion doula in an example of the “kind of emotional support model we want to see onscreen,” Herold said.
Most TV storylines about abortion focus on young White women, often still in their teens, without children, Herold said — but that’s not representative of most abortion patients in the US. Per the Guttmacher Institute, a research center that supports access to reproductive health care, 75% of US abortion patients are poor or low-income, 60% are in their 20s and 59% already have a child.
But some series are increasingly spotlighting under-discussed elements of abortion. The soapy TNT series “Claws” got real about racism in the foster care system and the financial constraints of accessing reproductive health care, Herold said. Nail tech Virginia (played by Karreuche Tran) also shares her abortion with her coworkers, which leads them to open up about their experiences with abortion, pregnancy and sexual assault. Herold said this can happen in real life, too, as one person’s disclosure allows others to open up about their experiences. (TNT and CNN share parent company Warner Bros. Discovery.)
“It’s a game-changer to see multiple people sharing their abortion experiences on TV, so that audiences don’t get stuck thinking that only a certain type of person or certain type of character has an abortion,” she said.
Though these storylines may educate viewers, they may not change their stances on abortion. In 2019, Herold and UCSF researchers studied the impact of a “Grey’s Anatomy” episode in which a patient gets a medication abortion after attempting to induce one on her own. Herold said viewers’ understanding of medication abortions “significantly increased” after watching the episode, but increased knowledge “did NOT translate to increased support of abortion in general.”
With access at risk, audiences are seeking out abortion stories
Hittman and Robespierre, who are both mothers, said they’ve heard from countless viewers who saw themselves in the films and felt moved to share their abortion experiences.
Hittman said she recently ran into an acquaintance she hadn’t seen in years who told her about traveling across states to receive an abortion as a minor. Watching “Never Rarely Sometimes Always” was like watching her story, the acquaintance told her.
“People don’t want to carry these stories” in silence, Hittman said.
Both films are subtly radical in the way they tell abortion stories, even if the fictional portrayals takes cues from the very real experiences of abortion patients. And so audiences are revisiting them — both films screened last month at New York’s Metrograph as part of its “It Happens to Us: Abortion in American Film” series
“Obvious Child” was often described upon its release as an “abortion rom-com,” a descriptor Robespierre initially resisted. But then she realized that, in every interview, review and discussion about her film, people would have to use the word “abortion.” And eight years later, it still gets people talking.
“I’m not in the business of changing anyone’s mind,” Robespierre said. “I’m trying to be honest and authentic [in her filmmaking]. And by being honest, it kind of becomes punk rock and different and political.”